Uninor has launched a health application named ‘Wellness World’ in association with value-added services provider Handygo for its customers across the nation
Telecom company Uninor has launched a health application named 'Wellness World' in association with value-added services provider Handygo for its customers across the nation.
The application will provide up to date information regarding heart care, women's health, diet and nutrition, human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), pain management, sexual health, stress and love, relationship and adolescent issues.
"Despite the consistent rate of development, India still faces grave issues when it comes to health information dissipation. 'Wellness World' endeavours to find a solution to this problem with its most comprehensive health verticals via a communication channel that has the maximum penetration-the Mobile phone," handygo CEO Praveen Rajpal said in a statement.
"We are also in the process of incorporating telemedicine facility for delivering the finest mHealth solution," Rajpal added.
This application will be available on both IVR (Interactive Voice Response) and SMS platforms to provide daily information to Uninor's subscribers on health related issues.
For accessing this service, Uninor subscribers need to dial in a short code-522770. Uninor is also offering subscription packs for this service.
For this information Handygo Technologies has partnered with various hospitals such as VIMHANS, GM Modi, Jaipur Golden hospital to name a few to ensure the information provided is relevant, accurate and up to date, the statement said.
On Friday the 13th May, the mainline media was totally immersed with the election results from the five states that went to the poll in the past month. They focused on the sweeping victories of Mamata Banerjee and J Jayalalithaa. Funnily, according to a tweet, Kalaignar TV which is owned by members of the family of defeated chief minister K Karunanidhi, stopped telecasting the election results
Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee and All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhgam (AIADMK) supremo J Jayalalithaa have emerged clear winners in the assembly elections in West Bengal and Tamil Nadu, putting the spotlight back on woman power. Mamata ended the over three-decade rule of the CPI(M)-led Left parties alliance, while Jayalalithaa returns to power for a third time defeating the Dravida Munnetra Kazhgam (DMK)-Congress alliance.
Both women are single, and they galvanised their respective parties to power almost single-handedly. There are some other interesting similarities as well. Both parties have similar election symbols-the TMC's symbol is a pair of Jora Ghas Phul (grass root flower), while the AIDMK has two leaves for its symbol.
Also, both leaders had supported the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government back in 1998. But while Jayalalithaa was responsible for bringing down the Vajpayee government by withdrawing support suddenly, Ms Banerjee stepped out of the Vajpayee government over a Tehelka expose in 2001, but returned to the National Democratic Alliance a couple of years later.
Very few imagined that the Left could be defeated in West Bengal, but Mamata has made this happen through small, determined steps in a persistent struggle. West Bengal has a 294-member legislative assembly. The TMC had only 31 members in the previous house and the Congress just 20, compared to the CPI-M's 176.
The TMC chief, in her first address after the victory, said, "This is a victory of democracy, victory of 'maa, maati, manush' (mother, land, people). We will give good governance. There will be end of autocracy and atrocities. This is the victory of people against years of oppression."
According to trends for 294 seats, the TMC-led alliance was ahead in over 226 seats. The Left Front was ahead in only 63 seats, with CPI-M leading in 48 seats. TMC alone was leading in 177 seats, while its ally Congress was leading in 33 seats.
While the landslide victory for the TMC was along expected lines, Jayalalithaa surpassed all exit poll predictions. The political career of the film star-turned-politician has been interrupted regularly by allegations of corruption and she lost power twice on corruption charges. This time, it seems that the people of Tamil Nadu have decided to give her yet another chance, in the wake of the 2G spectrum scam involving DMK leader A Raja and the investigation that has also listed chief minister K Karunanidhi's daughter Kanimozhi.
In the Tamil Nadu assembly elections in 2006, the AIADMK won 61 seats in a house of 234 members. In the 2009 Lok Sabha elections also, the AIADMK managed to win just nine out of the 39 seats in Tamil Nadu. According to the trends available, the AIADMK alliance is likely to win nearly 194 seats and the DMK-Congress combine only 33 seats.
It seems that the wave in Tamil Nadu also influenced the result in Puducherry, where the All-India NR Congress-AIADMK combine looked set for an easy majority winning in 16 constituencies and leading in four more in counting of votes for the 30-member Assembly. Congress-DMK front managed won nine seats.
In Kerala, the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) only just managed to edge out the CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF), winning 72 of the 140 crossing the magic figure of 71 required for a simple majority as against its rival LDF's 68.
The Congress was a clear winner in Assam, with wins or leads in 80 of the constituencies in the 126-member Assembly. The principal opposition party, Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), was leading in 10 and the Bodoland Peoples Front leading in five seat and have won in six constituencies so far.
What started as a difference on land acquisition prices, and village landowners wanting to go back on pre-negotiated contracts after development has reached their doorsteps, is now being given a political colour in the name of villagers losing their land
What is, essentially a land acquisition issue of the sort where multiple issues have raised expectations, has grown rapidly into another political side-show which moves into the la-la land of election theories and made for television situations. The real issues in and around Noida, a part of western Uttar Pradesh (UP) which is still stuck in some back-of-beyond kind of feudal and colonial time in many ways, are graver. Nothing is black and white, shades of grey, as well as all sorts of other issues prevail, and land-grab, yes, is—as always—at the bottom of the whole issue. But the deeper issue is what nobody talks about—that vote-bank politics in this part of the country have always depended on ensuring that people are kept backward.
Aside: for years now, the drawing room society sorts in Delhi have been going on and on about how Mayawati has grabbed land between the main highway to Greater Noida and the Yamuna for herself, for her park, for the JP Group to build townships on, the works. Truth is this. Here government has surely made rapid strides to develop Noida and Greater Noida, and built an extremely good road system which brings the people and land on the eastern side of the Yamuna into the mainstream. In addition, her government has made sure that the wetlands on the UP side of the river have not been disturbed, so you still have marshes, migratory birds, wildlife and most of all, no squatters encroaching on prime land. On the Delhi and Haryana side of the river, by contrast, the complete river front as well as the flood plains have simply been taken over by "a certain community" (the slum rivals Mumbai’s Dharavi), and apart from them getting free land it is a huge vote bank too.
But, to try and understand what is going on you have to first take a good look at a map, and see how history as well as nature has always differentiated between land and civilisation on both sides of the Yamuna, as it flows past Delhi, then Agra and on towards Allahabad, to join the mighty Ganges. This is even more starkly evident when you drive from Delhi, past Mathura, into Agra, cross the Yamuna at Agra, and then drive back via Aligarh on the other bank of the river.
The reason was simple—the mighty Yamuna always flooded on to the Aligarh side, which left the soil rich no doubt, but ensured that civilisation had to restart ever so often. On the other side, however, was Delhi, the grand Taj Mahal at Agra, as well as seats of culture and learning going back centuries in and around Mathura.
And then, after Independence, we talk development and growth. To start with, almost all development and growth, if not all, in this part of UP, so close to the capital of Delhi, has been on the Mathura side. It is as simple as that. One reason is that the growth in the Haryana part of the Delhi-Mathura-Agra alignment has been phenomenal. Faridabad and Ballabgarh grew out of literally nothing after 1947, to become what they are today, and that had an effect on the neighbouring parts of UP on this side of the river. On the other side of the river, the slow withering away of Kanpur had exactly the opposite effect, and that is a simple fact. The biggest industry on that side of the river, now, is probably kidnapping.
The railway lines to the east and north-east and points beyond, pelt through the Aligarh side of the Yamuna. The railway lines to the southern and western states pelt through on the Mathura side. But to regular travellers on both routes, the difference in living standards are stark—you have visible signs of affluence on the Mathura side, while the Aligarh route looks like it was and continues to be mired in abject poverty and the dark ages. Sanitation, maintenance of roads, healthcare, quality of houses, colleges, symbols of rural affluence like healthier livestock, kidnapping as a business, all these and more, again, the difference is visible or known; and the biggest indicator is that you simply see more women going ahead with their lives on the Mathura side of the river.
Drive to Agra on the Mathura side, and you have a fast modern road, doing the 200+ kilometres in around two or three hours. Cross the Yamuna at Agra and try to drive back to Delhi, you would be lucky if you got back in five or six hours, for the same distance. While the Mathura side route is safe 24x7, even the bravest of Delhi's taxi drivers will refuse to go by the Aligarh side at night.
And the part of Greater Noida making all the wrong news, lately, is linked geographically more with ancient Aligarh than with modern Noida or Delhi. On the wrong side of the river, so to say, as well as on the wrong side of development. Till, Mayawati decided to change things. And one thing she did—and continues to do—is really working on getting the girl child to school. As well as trying to develop the roads. Anybody sense a Bihar repeat, they got it.
Last winter, on a road trip by the lesser-used route from Delhi to Lucknow via Moradabad-Bareilly-Shahjahanpur-Sitapur, with side trips to Pilibhit, I saw how the focus on getting the girl child to school was strongly resisted by the menfolk of "a certain community", and tacitly supported by the others, too. But Mayawati's message to the people is clear; if they do not let her build roads or send the girl child to school, she will do so anyways.
That does not make her popular with a ruling class that has historically and traditionally depended on keeping the masses subjugated. Simply put, many people who do not want development on the Aligarh side of the river do not like these changes at all. Their manhood is threatened, yes, I have heard that too. But actually it threatens and puts at risk the complete feudal and colonial structure that keeps them in power, for pelf and with fine food with raiment—a scenario that has been done away with by the middle class on the other, Mathura side, of the river.
Some history: During her previous tenures, Mayawati started developing the area between Noida and Aligarh—whether it was attracting industry to Greater Noida, or building the ambitious Delhi-Allahabad-Varanasi expressway. As soon as somebody else would come to power (read Mulayam Singh Yadav), all development work would come to a halt.
Today, what started as a serious difference of opinion on land acquisition prices, as well as village landowners wanting to go back on pre-negotiated contracts after development has reached their doorsteps, is being given a political colour in the name of villagers losing their land. That is very interesting—everybody comes from Lutyen's Delhi for the day, to support the villagers, and then they go back to their palaces for the night. That Lutyen's Delhi was a village in the previous United Provinces, too, is forgotten—after all, how far back in history do we want to go, when we want to decide that the villagers should keep their lands, development be damned?
I tried to go to the village of Bhatta Parsaul, and made it to the developed parts beyond Greater Noida where the middle class go, to visit a friend who lives there and teaches at (of all things) a marine college, with a dummy ship built right there in the middle of everything. He advised me not to go. It was not safe—too many political workers reportedly snatching vehicles, any sort of vehicles, to go there too. They are going there to protest the acquisition of land belonging to the villagers. I returned to my home in Defence Colony, which is built on land acquired from villagers of Kotla Mubarakpur, about 60 years ago.
Land acquisition has a lot of aspects to it. But it helps if you are on the correct side of the river, or the correct side of society, too.